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A new look at the declining labor share of income in the United States. This insight will change the nature of conflict in fundamental ways, and possibly, lower the threshold of war and confuse the very distinction between war and peace. And just as with the advent of human flight, opting out is not an option.

Modern societies have become existentially dependent on cyberspace. In the words of Rod Beckstrom, the former head of ICANN: anything networked can be hacked, everything is being networked so everything is vulnerable. Cyber-conflict shares certain characteristics with conflicts in the physical domains, but differs in many others. To start with, technologies tend to be typically dual-use: if a nation acquires a fighter aircraft, it clearly has a military purpose in mind; the same cannot be deduced if it acquires a new IT system.

Internet Governance: The New Frontier of Global Institutions - John Mathiason - Google книги

Since anything networked can be hacked, that does not solely mean military bases communication systems, but any kind of infrastructural installations, energy sources, electricity grids, health systems, traffic control systems, or water supplies, as well as communications and sensors. For the medieval king, this would typically be neighboring peers, the number of which he more or less knew.

Proximity mattered. Today, the number of entities with the capacity to mount a potentially devastating attack is infinitely greater: not just states, but also hackers, terrorists, businesses, social groups, criminals, and even unsuspecting computer users. Proximity has become totally irrelevant, which takes away a fundamental premise in traditional military theory. You need to be protected, here and now. In cyber-wars, you no longer necessarily know who may attack you — or even who already has attacked you.

Attributing blame for cyber-attacks is difficult, as attackers can use proxies to implicate innocents. Much of the emphasis today is therefore to improve the technology of attribution. Without attribution, no retaliation, and no deterrence. Even with the right technology in place, the issue of attribution is tricky: stating all that you know might be politically sensitive and it could risk revealing critical intelligence capacities, which in turn could compromise the ability to attribute sources in the future.

Thirdly, in cyberspace, early warning is rendered largely irrelevant.

Milton L. Mueller: Sovereignty and Cyberspace: Institutions and Internet Governance

Traditional defence logic assumes that there would always be some signs of a coming attack, whether in months or minutes ahead: armies marching to the border, or radar systems detecting incoming missiles. Not so with a cyber-attack. At best, you know that you are under attack as it is happening; more likely, you discover you have been attacked only after the fact.


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  7. All these factors add up to one conclusion: in cyberspace, offence is significantly easier than defence. All states, however, are mutually dependent in cyberspace. In this lies some hope: This fact creates for state actors a game-theoretic rationale not to engage in all-out cyber warfare, not unlike the logic that has restricted nuclear warfare in the form of MAD — Mutually Assured Destruction. This may also create an incentive for governments to work together on sharing defensive technologies. Such malware is frequently found everywhere from defence systems to various critical infrastructure systems.

    New Book: “Internet Governance: The New Frontier of Global Institutions”

    This, in turn, can lead to inadvertent escalation into full-scale conflict. As pointed out in a previous article , extremist movements are increasingly using cyber tools as a force multiplier including propaganda, scare-tactics, recruitment and fundraising with such ease that policy makers, military leaders and intelligence agencies are struggling to keep pace. And where is the bottom line when it comes to privacy, for example? We are unlikely to see the Chinese equivalent of Apple take the intelligence agency to court, but how they negotiate and compromise also defines the relationship between Chinese tech companies and the Chinese government.

    Taming Global Governance Idea Chaos: A “Frontier Frame” for Recent Books

    Like netizens in other countries, many people in China care about matters related to their day-to-day lives and — perhaps — what can make them laugh. There are conversations about policy and politics, but they are not the mainstream — although this could also be the result of censorship. It is also important to observe the language being used in the Chinese cyberspace — if you read Chinese, you will note that it is rather different from the language of official media.

    You will constantly be surprised by the wittiness people show — an extension of the linguistic tradition in which direct expression or criticism is not possible. What does this mean?

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    What are the latest developments? It means that China wants to reaffirm the right to control the web traffic coming in and out of the country. To some extent, this can be seen as censorship, but it also reflects the way Beijing sees the internet, which has been widely understood as borderless since its inception. What are the alternatives to Facebook and Twitter in China?